Alfretto Maruri Porcelain

UN: Gaddafi to the club of war criminals join

Gaddafi to follow Milosevic and Karadzic - is the axis of the war criminals

By Daniel Roters

Muammar Gaddafi under
also responsible before the International Court of Justice must
.

With the UN Resolution No. 1970 dated 26.2.2011, the international community an indictment for crimes against Muammar Gaddafi of humanity has made more likely. Many commentators had interpreted the resolution as lame, worthless signal of the world, including Muammar Gaddafi himself Those comments only saw the travel ban and the freezing of Konton Gaddafi confidant in the focus of the resolution. The international community has made it clear that it not only an end to violence against civilians Libyan calls, but also possible crimes already committed by the means of international law wants to punish, in the present, but also in the future. A warning to the despots of the world.

has now published the organization "Coalition for the Interna Nalen court Hoff" (ICIC), a text and asks within the network of 150 participating countries for assistance to support the chief prosecutor for possible charges against Gaddafi. Libya is the second case to Darfur to the International Court of Justice was assigned by a decision of the UN Security Council.

Within hours of the adoption of the resolution was Gaddafi's response. He was trying just a little interview with the Serbian private broadcaster PINK explain he was not Milosevic or Karadzic. The International Court just trying to bring an indictment on the way, which is based solely on media reports. He described the UN sanctions as null and void. He also made al-Qaeda responsible for the situation in Libya. He described the situation in Libya as calm and controlled. In fact, the connection of the Muammar Gaddafi is delicate with Serbia. After the collapse of Yugoslavia, which was just as Libya is a leading member of the Non-Aligned Movement States, remained the close relations between Serbia and Libya.

editors of the Serbian television station had the former Yugoslav President Zoran Lilić over the weekend to Libya monitored in order to collect footage. It was not the images of dead and injured, to see the Serbian public was given. The transmitter was based with a well-meaning compilation of the material staging a peaceful Tripoli, the last stronghold of in free fall are be dictator. Lilić, predecessor of Milosevic's cabinet and later belonging, described himself as a "close friend" Gaddafi. Lilić was monitored during his stay in Tripoli at the weekend the evacuation of Serbian citizens. The Serbian business relations with Libya are placed in the field of defense industry, property and engineering sector. main customers of Serbian weapons Libya.

The Serbian newspaper ALO! on 23.02.2011 has published a report t, the sets another dark secret of the Serbian-Libyan relations open. A source of the Serbian military had leaked to the newspaper material, which proves that Serbian soldiers were sometimes the first mercenaries who allegedly carried out in Gaddafi's order in the streets of Tripoli patrol. The report to follow these Södner already been partially employed as guest workers in African countries and have left their jobs because they Libyan official five-digit dollar amounts were available. Others are directly Serbia had been flown in Tripoli.

survivors of the victims of Srebrenica, in many cases only
visit the memorial to commemorate the deceased
. There are still mass graves are found, identified
dead and buried with dignity.

The fighters were mostly the remains of a Serbian paramilitary task force called "Red Berets", which had disbanded in 2003 because some of its members were brought in connection with war crimes during the Balkan wars, including the massacre of Srebrenica and Racak. Already in the 1990s, Gaddafi had resorted to Serb militias to combat alleged "Islamists". During the fighting in Libya, there were repeated reports of Serbian pilots who should have supported the Libyan Air Force process of attacking civilians. Libyans themselves tweeting on participation of Serbs in the fighting and also CNN correspondent Ben Wedeman reported on the participation of Serbian mercenaries in Libya.

So now is

Slobodan Milosevic before the UN war crimes tribunal

Gaddafi expected to share the fate of other war criminals. Milosevic as president of Serbia had supported right-wing parties and Serbian paramilitary units in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina to establish a Greater Serbia. He was responsible for the collapse of Yugoslavia and of the bloody over 10 years of conflict in the Balkan region. On 27 May 1999 Milosevic was indicted by the International Court of crimes against humanity, breaches of the Geneva Conventions and genocide. The indictment of 66 action points reads like the biography of a medieval generals. Only had this time a head of state in Europe raged our time under the eyes of the public. Even during the process Milosevic died of a heart attack in 2002. Whether that Milosevic deliberately provoked into suicide intent, or was caused by inadequate medical Beitreuung, is still unclear.

Radovan Karadzic before the International War Crimes Tribunal

Radovan Kradzic served as leader of the Bosnian Serbs for war crimes against the Muslim population of Bosnia and citizens of Croatian origin. For him, the Declaration of Independence Bosnian Serb autocrat in relation to the Belgrade declaration of war against the Serbian people. In the last debate of the Parliament of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Karadzic said in conclusion, and frankly all in: "If the Muslims want war, then they can have him!" He called for a separate republic within Bosnia and planned by a well structured party and military apparatus of mass executions of the Bosnians, an "ethnic cleansing", as she was known by Kommentatorien this time. After the attack, Serb forces on the nearly defenseless Sarajevo on 9 April 1995 adopted the UN war crimes tribunal, an international arrest warrant against Karadzic. In July 1995, then found more than a massacre on an unprecedented scale near the small town of Srebrenica held. More than 8,000 Muslims were separated under the eyes of Dutch UN soldiers, taken to a wooded area killed and then buried in mass graves. Srebrenica is now a place for widows. Entire families have lost their fathers and sons. Only in 2008 was Radovan Karadzic fesgenommen and the International Court of Justice to pass.

is significant against this background that Seif al-Islam Gaddafi warned in his televised speech a few days, the Libyan public, in which he reminded to the bloodshed in Yugoslavia in 1990.

What have these war criminals have in common? They shoot is calculated on the rhetoric of the Bush era and defend themselves: We are fighting against Islamists, we are fighting against al Qaeda.

But the real enemy of despots are people who have found that bread and water for life is not enough. You can no longer be intimidated and bullying by a policy à la carrot and the stick. The law is on their side ... hopefully!

Watch South Park With Symbian

How the U.S. for the first time official contacts with Islamic potentates tied / 4

A memorable story in several episodes - The fourth and last part

A historical essay by Marco Schöller

It will be remembered: For the favor of the Ottoman to insure Sultan and avoid imminent penalties, because he had formed an alliance against the interests of the Ottoman Empire with France, was planning Dey of Algiers, Mustafa, to be sent in the autumn of 1800 the Sultan gifts. Because the Dey to no big enough or sufficiently armed ship had available, he held on to the Americans, who had arrived with the great frigate » George Washington " in Algiers, and asked them the gifts to get to Istanbul. The U.S. representative O'Brien and Bainbridge tried to dissuade the Dey of that idea, but without success. And so sailed in October 1800, U.S. frigate in Algerian "Captain Blood" to Istanbul ...

VII

The George Washington made after they had been to some extent by Dey "hijacked on 19 October 1800 on its way from Algiers to Istanbul. At the top of the middle main mast - the tallest point in the rigging of a three-master - the Americans had to raise the Algerian flag. This is supposedly the head of 'Ali have shown, including a turban, but surely that is not in fact, we do not know the flag of the Dey. must regard the raising of the flag to know that among the seamen as driving under foreign flags maximum Was considered shameful. Before departure, therefore O'Brien with the Dey had unsuccessfully discussed whether or not we could hoist the flag on the foremast. This would have signaled that the ship sailed under a flag other than the actual, because it captured ships with flags on the foremast: So would have been clear that the ship by force as O'Brien put it, and not under its own was but another flag on the go. The flag at the mainmast had, however, the ship "as a" flagship, as it actually state only the commanding officer or an admiral. But the Dey could not change his mind, and so was the flag raised at the main mast. But no sooner had to leave the harbor of Algiers, is said to have obtained the Bainbridge flag again, when you were out of sight.

to Malta by it sailed towards the Bosphorus and the sea journey was less because of the autumnal weather, but mainly because of the overcrowding of the ship is a nightmare. On board were in fact, in addition to the regular crew of 131 men, the Algerian ambassador and his company of 100 people, 100 black women and their children, four horses, 151 sheep, 25 cattle, four lions, tigers (!) And antelope , twelve parrots and prizes worth over $ 1,000,000. If it is found during the three-week trip that the ship is in had crossed zigzag into the wind, then took up position on a Muslim prayer time at the ship's compass and conducted from there the prayer, which direction to Mecca, they had to take. On 9 November ran a ship in the straits off Istanbul.

Bainbridge and the Americans were not sure how they would be received in Istanbul. After all, it was thus the first contact between the United States and the Ottoman Empire, which was officially halfway. The frigate was under American flag in front of Istanbul, and the reception was that concerned the Americans warmly. Although the Turkish officer who came on board, never heard of a nation called United States had he brought as a lamb of peace and a bouquet of flowers as a welcome gift. It is also reported that the Sultan saw from his palace which starred American flag and it concluded that the United States have similar customs and laws such as the Turks, who even wore a star on their flag.

were on site then minor mishaps and misunderstandings, but with the help of the British Consul, Lord Elgin could be resolved quickly. All in all, the stay of the Americans in Istanbul a great success, for it closed many friends. The Americans were known among other things, a German count who the gardens of the Sultan, supervised and with the English East travelers Edward Daniel Clarke. (Clarke reported on the arrival of the American ship and the other events of the third volume of his travel books: Travels in Various Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa ... Fourth Edition, Volume III, p. 77-79.) Agreed for the future is an exchange of diplomats between the U.S. and the Ottoman Empire, and for now the Americans were given Turkish passports protection for their further journeys.

The reception for the Ambassador of the Dey, however, was chilly. This itself and the 100 who traveled on the George Washington Turks were taken hostage and up to Another interned, whether this happened at the instigation of the British, as is claimed in some places, is not guaranteed, but likely. But the Sultan had good reasons to Dey in Algiers not to be good to talk, because he resented his vassals in Algiers to the flexible attitude to France. The Grand Admiral of the Ottoman Navy spat on the letter from the Dey, which was handed over to him and then stomped it around - according to other reports of the Sultan himself had done so, but this is hardly credible. As a concrete measure of the Sultan decreed in any case, the Dey would immediately declare war on France and also a new "reparations" from a Million of piastres to pay, which was to be delivered within 60 days in Istanbul. The Algerian gifts had been able so nothing to be done and the Dey was in a difficult position, as on the George Washington 21st January 1801 re-anchored in the bay of Algiers.

VIII

obviously now had all the Dey, he wanted to submit to the will of the Sultan and take the required sum to Istanbul to make, once again the service of the U.S. ship to deliver. But this had also suspected Captain Bainbridge, who had therefore not thrown from the pier, but in the bay outside the reach of the Port anchor batteries. The claim of the Dey, he had in his Order a second time to sail to Istanbul, he refused categorically. This time, however, the Dey gave in and guaranteed the frigate safe entry into the port of Algiers. In an audience with the Dey, the first was stormy, Bainbridge presented the Turkish letter of protection in this way and saved the situation and himself the next day, 24 January 1801, Dey said the France, the second time after 1799, the war.

The Dey, who had in his attitude towards France now for several years fluctuated back and forth, once again yielded to the Ottoman-British pressure. After the declaration of war against France, he gave 400 Venetian, Sicilian and Maltese prisoners free, who had been kidnapped and at the time of their capture British had letters of protection. All the French, including the Commissaire général Thai Ville, he was put in chains, and only the intercession of the American Bainbridge and O'Brien was able to achieve that the Dey changed his mind and ordered the French to leave the regency within 48 hours . Thai Ville was reported, as has been demanded by Britain in August 1800, and embarked on 30 January in the company of some 60 compatriots to Alicante, where they were brought by the American frigate George Washington .

Thus ended the first Contact the U.S. with the Dey in Algiers and the Ottoman Empire. In retrospect, it seems curious that the U.S. was dragged unwillingly into most events - and certainly did not want to establish a diplomatic contacts with the Ottoman Empire. But the U.S. got in the Mediterranean, no respite, because in the spring of 1801 led to the first "official" war between an Islamic power and the U.S.: After a dispute about the amount of the annual tribute to pay to the United States in Tripoli, had Bey said there in March 1801 the United States to war. But it took some time before the Americans in their role as a belligerent power in the Mediterranean with a little self-consciousness assembled at. First seen still as a "low power", which is hardly in a position against Algiers (and not least against the other European powers who were working there) to fight back. In this sense, the American consul O'Brien wrote on 7 February 1801 to Lisbon:

"I am shivering in fear for our valuable ships and citizens in this sea. We are with our tribute in default, have no money and no pirates, and are threatened by all the vultures. Algiers, a pirate state investigated, employment for its corsairs (...) and we are the victims of it "(State Papers and Publick Documents of the United States IV, p. 362)

And when one then in early summer 1801 with the regency of Tripoli during the war was that required the use of all available forces of the United States, it was more cautious. In May 1801 therefore had to Consul O'Brien that he would do everything to avoid a breach with the Dey, because you could use the face of conflict with Tripoli no sideshow. With the dey of Algiers, it was therefore necessary to remain in agreement. The U.S. led in 1801 its first war against an Islamic power, the Dey of Tripoli. This is no longer in our history. But must remember in our days, that Libya's capital is once again plagued by bloody violence, particularly traurig stimmen.

ENDE


Literatur

• Allen, Gardner W.: Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs , Boston – New York 1905.
• Barnby, H.G.: The Prisoners of Algiers. An Account of the Forgotten American-Algerian War, 1785–1797 , London – New York 1966.
• Bevans, Charles (Hg.): Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America, 1776-1949. Vol. 5: Afghanistan – Burma , Washington 1970.
• ––––– (Hg.): Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America, 1776-1949. Vol. 9: Iraq – Muscat, Washington 1972.
• Clarke, Edward Daniel: Travels in Various Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa … Fourth Edition , Band III, London 1817.
• Lambert, Frank: The Barbary Wars. American Independence in the Atlantic World , New York 2005.
• Lane-Poole, Stanley: The Barbary Corsairs. Fourth Edition , London 1890.
• The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton; Several Years an Officer in the United States’ Army, Consul at the Regency of Tunis on the Coast of Barbary (...). Principally Collected from His Correspondence and Other Manuscripts , Brookfield 1813.
• Plantet, Eugene Match Deys of Algiers with the Court of France 1579-1833, collected in the archives of Foreign Affairs, Navy, Colonies and the Chamber of Commerce of Marseilles (...), 2 Bände, Paris 1889.
• A Short History of Algiers, With A Concise View of the Origin Of The Rupture Between Algiers and the United States (...). Third Edition, Improved , New York 1805.
• State Papers and Publick Documents of the United States, from the Accession of George Washington to the Presidency, Exhibiting a Complete View of Our Foreign Relations since that Time. Third Edition , 12 Bände, Boston 1819.
• Stevens, James Wilson: An Historical and Geographical Account of Algiers; Comprehending a Novel and Interesting Detail of Events Relative to the American Captives , Philadelphia 1797.
• Underhill, Updike: The Algerine Captive; or, the Life and Adventures of Doctor Updike Underhill, Six Years A Prisoner among the Algerines. Two Volumes in One , Hartford 1816.
• Upham, Charles W.: The Life of Timothy Pickering , Volume III, Boston 1873rd
• Winiker, Jay: The Great Upheaval . America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800 , London - New York 2008.

Pregnant Sensitive To Touch

Bayn al-'Asrayn - for the upcoming constitutional amendment between the republics

In the cabinet room Mubarak's portrait
is removed on 13/02/2011. The construction of a new republic
begins ...

A guest post by Björn Bentley

The second Egyptian Republic ended on 13/02/2011 with the takeover of the military. That after the six month transition period begin a new, third republic, the Constitution must be adequate only found through discussion and compromise, is already clear. But between the two republics is to amend the Constitution of 1971, which is due now, and will make the transition first. In just ten days, a committee appointed eight judges and lawyers has prepared a draft amendment. The details of the procedures in the constitution will determine how democratic and clean to drain the transition to a civilian government. They control the main principles of the presidential and parliamentary elections and now arrange the power structure of government or the participation of Egyptian civil society new.

The following six articles of the constitution were presented, the change needs now. The likely solutions are not ad-hoc ideas of the Committee, it is preceded by many years of discussions among lawyers and political and social actors back and found a direct relationship instead of the prevailing conditions and practices under the regime of Mubarak.

Baynal-'Asrayn. For the upcoming constitutional amendment between the republics

(Based on the novel "Bayn al-qasrayn" (Between the Palaces) vonNagib Machfuz. )

"On 25 January, the government lost its legitimacy, "said Zakariyya 'Abd al-Aziz, the former chairman of the Judges' Club in early February 2011 on the Tahrir Square. On 2/13/2011 he ended the second Egyptian Republic (1952-2011). That after the six-month transitional period, a new Third Republic is sought is already intended. Unddazwischen are now before the constitutional changes that will make the Übergangvon the second to the third republic possible. Egypt magaus the focal points and headlines to be advised of the resignation of the big questions-autocrat Mubarak, dissolution of parliament - have been resolved, anda compact Message-place, such as about who the next president is, etc., not yet in sight. Nevertheless, the country is in an exciting phase, the details are important and deserve more attention. Diefolgenden pages have no opinion article but will hopefully help rich collection of information and starting points.

The proposed constitutional changes in 2011

Am 25.02. 02.26.2011 or a draft amendment to the 1971 derVerfassung presented. He will most likely cover the following six articles:

- Articles 76 and 77 regulate the requirements for candidacy for the presidency and the office of the President. It is expected that the term of office to two four-year limited, and significantly simplifies the candidacy. In addition, the Vice President will be determined by future elections.

Article 76 was amended before the Wahlen2005, on the one hand the first time and pressure from the U.S. and derägyptischen protest movement, several presidential candidates to accept the other hand, keep the chances of opposition challenger to start small. A Vice President has given it not for decades, the appointment of 'Umar Sulayman in January 2011 was thus an gewichtigesZugeständnis been that impressed but no more.

- The Article 88 regulates the supervision of the elections, the future is to fully and without restriction in the hand of judges. They have just won in denletzten years a lot of confidence in the population and apply gutemGrund as a guarantee of clean elections.

Electoral Supervisory Kontrolledes means the whole process, from voter lists of the Abstimmungbis for counting and announcement of results. So far that was passed in 1971 created derVerfassung principle of election supervision by the Judikativeaufgeweicht, and 2007 through a constitutional amendment ausgehebeltworden. The background was a confrontation between the judiciary undRegime in 2005 and 2006 that led to large demonstrations undAusschreitungen. The judges had threatened to boycott dieWahlaufsicht for more independence for the judicial system to impose. The risk to the legitimacy of the elected Parliament ina eempfindlichen measure.

They were also the conditions under Mubarak brazen and clumsy electoral fraud in the Parlamentswahlen2010 possible only through the overthrow of judicial supervision. DenWahlen in the 2000 and 2005, the regime is still with the Beschränkungder supervision on large polling stations, the creative interpretation of "election supervised by representatives of the judiciary", the hand-picked selection vonleicht influenced judges, bonus payments for complacency undfinanziellem pressure resistance and other indirect strategies begnügt.Lediglich outside the polling stations provided for offensichtlichereRechtsverstöße paid thugs and intimidation. The changes have now become known in advance of 2011 to stop such softening. DerWahlvorgang will be completely controlled by incumbent judges, dieOrganisation the elections even take place in courthouses and no longer under the control of the Interior Ministry, are directly related to the arbitrariness undRepressionen is connected.

- The Article 93 regulates the powers of parliament to decide on the Rechtmäßigkeitder membership in Parliament itself. Because of this Artikelskam said it time and again that the choice vonAbgeordneten Egyptian administrative courts in large numbers to be illegal and void, the judgments dasParlament not been realized. Likely to transfer this responsibility to a court.

Since electoral fraud undUnregelmäßigkeiten in varying degree for decades to policy imautokratisch ruled Egypt include much of the judiciary but relatively independent works and also a public interest in the independence of stock was the Article 93 has often cause of tension. Was repeatedly parliaments retroactively declared unconstitutional (elections of 1984, 19,871,990), after the 2005 elections demonstrated independent investigation of the Egyptian Judges' Club, were fraudulent elections in many districts, whereupon Verwaltungsgerichtedie elections declared in these districts to be invalid, the vote but lack decision of Parliament in office. As for the Parlamentswahlen2010 judgments existed, who ordered the stop of the elections for 184 seats and thus invalid imParlament did that was now dissolved parliament may never constitutional. There was also a dispute between the High Administrative Court and the Election Commission Derwahl over the responsibility for complaints of irregularities while. In the days between the outbreak of protests in January 2011 and demRücktritt Mubarak, Parliament and his election was part derVerhandlungsmasse between Vice Sulayman and the opposition.

- The 179 should be deleted. He is, since the constitutional amendment before von2007, the president the possibility of military accused undSondergerichte-set when she was accused of a terrorist act werden.Das been an important tool to control and intimidate political Opponents.

This authorization has ThePresident under the emergency rule applied regardless of the nature of the complaint and siewurde under Mubarak often to bring civilians from the camp of political opponents by military and special courts. This is a circumvention derregulären Justice, which is not as well controlled as today's special courts, whose predecessor was introduced after the 1952 revolution, because we thought belonged in the courts of representatives of the old regime. DieVerfassungsänderung of 2007 should allow the removal desAusnahmezustands perspective without losing the ability to make opponents vorbotmäßige special courts. The release was already über100 of prison inmates with Islamist background, and the debt nachFreilassung all other political prisoners is due to this practice.

- The Article 189 regulates the conditions for modifying the Constitution. DieWahlfälschungen and influences of recent years also served the objective of the ruling party the necessary majority for constitutional change in Parlamentzu secure. Constitutional amendments as requested by the President Mubarak gave esbeispielsweise 2005 and 2007. Any constitutional amendment must be approved by referendum vomVolk.

The Constitutional Committee and its functions

The High Council of the armed forces took over with his fifth statement am13.02.2011 the leadership of the country (see below). In the same statement, the High Council Announced the appointment of a committee, it is to prepare the constitutional amendments. The committee began its work at on 02/15/2011 and is said to have constitutional amendment to 02/25/2011 Completed a draft. Proposals for legislative changes that are necessary during derÜbergangszeit should be 15.03.2011vorgelegt within a month to the. In general, the Committee received the task Aufhebungdes emergency, the constitutional referendum and parliamentary undPräsidentschaftswahlen prepare within the transitional period of six Monatenlegislativ.

In the fifth statement of the High Council (13/02/2011) states: "[The social progress] process is achieved durchdie realization of an atmosphere of freedom and democracy, by implementing changes to the Constitution and the legislation that dielegitimen claims that has brought our great nation during the last days expressed [..]. The High Council of the armed forces has Denfer and unshakeable belief that human freedom, legal protection, the promotion of equality, democracy and sozialerGerechtigkeit and the elimination of deep-rooted Corruption dieGrundsätze any legitimate government, the country will cite in the future. "

The current constitutional committee had a predecessor who set up was still under President Mubarak, and met on 02/09/2011. It should - the protests were already invollem Gang and Vice President Sulayman sought negotiations with representatives derOpposition - to alter the same six articles of the constitution as the jetzigeAusschuss.

Likely changes in the law during the transitional period

The most important legislative proposals concerning the organization and the founding Derwahl and registration of parties.

The urgent webs set changes relate to the "Law for the exercise of political rights" and the law governing the organization of presidential elections was regelt.Bereits now known that the admission of parties to new and wenigerrestriktiv to be regulated, details will be discussed but still. Vonder the NDP-controlled party committee was one of the instruments could be managed effectively with those who form up opposition forces inParteien legally. Applications of the Muslim Brotherhood affiliated persons or members for approval of a non-denominational creator Party (hizbal Wasat, centrist party) have for years routinely rejected. In denspäten 1980s and 1990s had therefore a long part oppositionellerTätigkeit shifted to other organizational forms, such as in dieGewerkschaftsbewegung and professional chambers.

addition to the Electoral Supervisory dieJudikative by the Prime Minister will probably come in the future of the largest faction in parliament. The elections office will soon bzw.Legislaturperioden positioned so that first the Parliament is elected and the president then before the House of Representatives the Amtseidablegt.

The composition of the Constitutional Committee

The eight members of the Committee were derStreitkräfte by the High Council chosen and tailored its tasks in an interview on 14/02/2011 mitdem chairman of the High Council.

put in the selection of the Council, alongside the expertise, apparently (several university professors, three sitting judges, a Copt, a Muslim brother,) to a value ausgeglicheneZusammensetzung. None of the current and former judge had one of those key positions (President of the Constitutional Court, Präsidentdes Cassation, Minister of Justice) held and owned directly vomStaatspräsidenten Mubarak appointed. Instead, it is umhochrangige judges were elected by the circle of their colleagues in their offices. The demonstrated independence from the old regime.

• Chairman: Judge Tariq al-Bishri, former vice chairman desStaatsrats

• Dr. 'Atif al-Banna, a professor at Cairo University fürVerfassungsrecht

• Hasanayn Dr. 'Abd al-'Al, Professor of Constitutional Law

• Dr. Muhammad Yunus Mahi, Professoran Alexandria University

• Subhi Salih, agents and attorneys of the Supreme Court derMuslimbruderschaft

• judge Mahir Sami Yusuf, President of the High Constitutional Court stellverstretender

• judge Hasan al-Badrawi, Vice President of the Constitutional Court

• Hatim Bajatu, Chairman reunification of the lawyers at the High Constitutional Court

The predecessor committee (see above), however, was led by Dr. Siyam, the President of the Court of Cassation undqua Department Chairman of the High Judicial Council. Dr. Siyam was directly vomStaatspräsidenten appointed and sat at one of the switching points for Beeinflussungder justice.

Tariq al-Bishri

The Chairman of the Constitutional Committee is a former high court in the administration of justice. He is widely regarded alsglückliche choice and be independent. Al-Bishri has worked intensively with derHerausforderung as a religious and moral impetus inrechtsstaatlichen structures can be expressed, and enjoys reputation of undRespekt political circles about the Richerschaft to the Islamist opposition.

Tariq al-Bishri alsSohn 1931 was a lawyer and grandson of a high- religious scholars geboren.Lange years he was Deputy Chairman of the State Council, which is derägyptischen administrative courts, which are summarized in the State Council, he was retired 1998th

He was an important voice within the internal justice reform movement of the 1980s and 1990s. In seinem2006 book "The Egyptian judiciary between independence undKooptation" had al-Bishri summarized the concerns of the judiciary andin a slightly idealized look back at the liberal era in Egypt before derRevolution 1951 the ideal of separation of powers against the younger systematic interference by the executive and unlawful practice Ender Mubarak Annual contrasts. He may not be the originator of the receivables derRichterschaft from 2005 and 2006, firmly rooted in the discourses that he is always hanging together. Therefore, Al-Bishri's book von2006 as a blueprint, or at least a guide and are for diezukünftige Constitutional Development in Egypt as the list of demands desRichterclus from those years.

What al-Bishri term in the present situation to a good candidate for the Presidency of the Verfassungsausschussesmacht is that he established derOpposition both the Islamic argumentative parts as well as political parties are inclusive of NDPakzeptabel. His legal views on many legal issues are known, he is a credible advocate of separation of powers undDemokratisierung and a judge with clear sympathies and dedicated religious convictions. A basic problem of Arab politics, which al-Bishri mainly devoted in the 1990s ("Between Islam and Arab nationalism" von1998, "between the religious community and the national community impolite thinking" from 1998) is the separation of a nationalist secular discourse and an Islamic political discourse. It analyzes how such allocation would lead to a social divide that is increasingly hard way inproblematischer bridged. In a book of this dilemma he 2002sieht partially at least mitigated or overcome it, because a better understanding of the basic principles of togetherness derpolitischen (religion and Arab descent) gewordensei possible. As a new threat to Arab society, he makes more alsvorher from the influence of Western countries, both culturally and politically and economically.

The High Council of the armed forces

With his fifth statement set the High Council of the armed forces am13.02.2011 the constitution, both chambers of Parliament Dissolved of and announced an interim period of six months.

In the six months to last dieVerfassung, accepted the amendment by referendum, new elections should be conducted end of Parliament and for president. Constitutional undGesetzesänderungen to implement the will of the people, as he has articulated during derRevolution. The military council has announced repeatedly elects not own candidate in the presidential elections. Derstraffe timetable for the transition period and the rapidly initiated first steps are no doubt raise the predicted rapid transition zueiner civil government. In this context, the criticism to see amVerfassungsausschuss, independent NGOs and lawyers dafürkritisiert is that he does not vote with the people looking, anyway, the 1971 Constitution was no longer suitable for the changed circumstances, because the second de facto Republic of Egypt was over. The HoheRat has described the creation of a new constitution in a broad discussion with all segments of the population but the task of the future civilian government.

The Chairman of the High Council The armed forces, the Defense Minister Field Marshal Muhammad HusaynTantawi. Admiral MamduhShahin, Secretary of Defense for Law undVerfassungsfragen; Admiral Muhammad al-'Assar, State: Three more unnamed members imVerteidigungsministerium; Admiral Mukhtar al-Mulla.

policy in the period of transition

is true even after the dissolution of Parliament, shortly before vonEx President Mubarak appointed government of Prime Minister Lieutenant-General Ahmad Shafiq continue in office, but the High Council of the armed forces there, the make guidelines before and is in the process of profound change ampolitischen system in Egypt. Working with a Regierungdes old regime may seem contradictory, but has the advantage that their experience and expertise can be used. One would be specially set by government technocrats in the case raised by failures also much more directly with the ruling military related.

derlaufenden An example of a system changes is the restructuring of the police authorities in all provinces of the country, implementing the Home Office with its existing structures on the instructions exactly. Another example is dieVorbereitung the constitutional amendment by the arbitrarily appointed Gremiumdes constitutional committee.

The government Shafiq

The government of Lieutenant-General Ahmad Shafiq, consisting ausvorerst only 14 ministers will be on 31.01.2011 by President Mubarakeingeschworen. The Cabinet - Several items were taken up at later stages, with one half containing representatives of the old guard, but the other new faces. Particularly striking is the exclusion of the successful businessmen who had dominated politics under the previous Prime Minister Ahmad Nazif and the new minister with a military background.

The excluded business people who are placed with Hosni Mubarak's son Jamal related are: Habib al-'Adli, Faruq Husni, Hatim al-Jabali, Zuhayr Jarana, Rashid Muhammad Rashid, Ahmad al-Maghrabi.

The composition of the new government is as follows (1-12, the new ministers are)

first Prime Minister Field Marshal Shafiq Ahmad

second Majdi Mahmoud, interior minister

third Ibrahim Mana ', Minister for Aviation

fourth Yahya 'Abd al-Majid, Minister of crude Affairs Consultative Assembly

fifth Dr. Farid Ahmad Samih, Health Minister

6th ; Dr. 'Abdallah al-Husayni, Minister for religious foundations

7th Samiha Fawzi, Minister of Trade

8th Jabir 'Asfur, Culture Minister

9th Dr. Ayman Farid Abu Hadid, Agricultural Minister

10th Dr. Fathi al-Baradei, Housing Minister

11th Admiral Muhsin at-Ni'mani, Minister for Local Development

12th 'Atif' Abd al-Hamid, Minister of Transport

13th Deputy Prime Minister Field Marshal Muhammad Husayn Tantawi undVerteidigungsminsiter

14th Zahi Hawwas, Minister for Antiquities

15th Mufid Shihab , Minister for Legislation and dieVolkskammer

16th Sayyid Mash'al, Minister of State for war goods

17th Samih Fahmi, Minister of Petroleum

18th Dr. Hasan Yunis, Minister of Electricity and Energy

19th Mushira Khattab, Minister of State for Family undBevölkerungsfragen

20th Ahmad Abu l-Ghayt, Foreign Minister

21st Fayza Abu n-Well, Minister for International Cooperation

22nd Juruj Majid, Minister of State for Environmental Affairs

23rd Anas al-Faqi, Minister for Media

24th Tariq Kamil, Minister of Communications

25th Dr. 'Ali al-Musaylahi, minister for social cooperation

26th 'A ʾ isha' Abd al-Hadi, Minister of Manpower

27th Dr. Hani Hilal, Minister of Higher Education Research undwissenschaftliche

28th Mamduh Mar'i Magistrate, Justice Minister

The political forces

The High Council has the right and does his temporäreLegitimität it to implement the demands of the population. This is the practical problem, andcommunicating cooperate with whom and how the High Council. The Parliament is dissolved and had already lost its legitimacy at the beginning derProteste, the legal opposition parties are nureinen section of the social reality from Egypt. Daspolitische environment is less of established parties and institutions identified as increasingly new groups and established informal Bewegungenund currents. These are referred to in the Egyptian press as "the political forces". A full explanation is not possible.

communicates the High Council of a statement direct talks - the editors were invited to the major Arab newspapers shear conversation - its own Facebook page undseit recently even on the visit of some of its members in Diskussionsrundenim television. On the transmitter "Dream" had three members of the High Council its stated policy and discussed with the guest presenter and another. teamed

Even before the outbreak of the protests had, in addition to the National Organization for change, the al-Baradeiunterstützte, a number of other groups. The "Volskparlament" for example is an initiative of former MP and angesehenerPersönlichkeiten who wanted to create officially parliament after the 2010 elections as an alternative to that in which the bill by the government could be freely discussed.

Since 25 January, youth revolution When more flows to speakers or at least parts of the. There is the "coalition of youth," the "youth the 25th January, "the" union of the youth of the revolution "and of course the youth organization Ender traditional parties, which are found in at least zuPressekonferenzen across party lines. Even before this year's protests were Esdi Facebook group "Youth of the 6th April "in memory of the working balance end of 2008.

formed during the protests out then spontaneous action groups, the Safe Neighborhoods, escaped convicts and looters firmly set, price controls beikrisengewinnlerischen transactions for goods of daily life, introduced, or just the street cleaning and water supply derDemonstranten be created. can civil society actors

In particular representatives of the judiciary attention to hope. The confrontation with the regime in 2005 and 2006 (see above) has einzelneRichter of "independence Flow" made nationally known and their demands for electoral supervision and separation of powers to an opposition can be consensual. The participation of Zakariyya 'Abd al-'Aziz, chairman of the Judiciary demehemaligen clubs were in the demonstrations on demtahrir Square immediately noticed and commented on the media. The Judges' Club is self derReformbewegung since the last internal elections no longer under the lead, but members of the "independence of flow" have already begun to collect signatures for a motion of censure against the regime-loyal chairman Ahmad al-Zand.

derGerichte the Assembly, in particular the Council of State and the Constitutional Court may alsdemokratisch legitimate bodies for a vote, legislative action is interesting, since they could occur independently over the old system and amazing act.

Additional facilities include a wealth of new party by ups. On 02/17/2011 reported the daily al-Masri l-yawmvon about 13 start-ups since 25/01/2011. Particularly interesting isthierbei how the Islamist spectrum and the Muslim Brotherhood in derParteienlandschaft is mapped. So far it looks like a Aufsplitterungaus.

The Muslim Brotherhood is officially banned in their headquarters in Cairo, but as well known as leading heads or their representatives in trade unions and professional associations. They also sought after now to formally participate in political life can be. In the parliaments of 2000-2010 dieAbgeordneten as independent candidates were lined up, even formerly alsKandidaten other parties such as the Wafd Party. After 15 years of waiting wurdeam 01/19/2011 establishing the "center party" approved, an interdenominational party with close to Muslim Brotherhood. In addition plantdie Community Starting their own "party undGerechtigkeit of freedom" and the internal reform wing thinking about a "party of reform" after. All statements of the speaker of the Muslim Brotherhood 'Isam al-'Aryanzufolge can call the program of the three the Muslim Brotherhood affiliated Parteiennur as parliamentary democracy and moderate, both in Bezugauf the claims of the Muslim brothers in the society and the state and emerge in the foreign and economic policy. The first official performance of a Muslim brother on national television can be just as normal as seen as the very proper and unexciting classification al-Qaraḍawisals "popular conservative preacher" inÄgypten in media coverage.

future issues

Even after the end of the transitional period it will be exciting bleiben.Dass then it will give a broad discussion on a completely new constitution can be considered safe. The Constitution of 1971 may be changes in the substance mitwenigen quite feasible for a democratic Egypt, a symbol of decades of autocracy, it is nonetheless. The desire nachöffentlicher discussion on issues such as separation of powers is high, independent Tags diewichtigste newspaper has already launched a campaign for a new constitution started, the youth movements and even prominent Judge undVerfassungsjuristen clamoring for a new basis for a new republic.

Here are some questions that could be discussed undangegangen in the coming years:

- What happens to the state media, the television undZeitungen in possession of the government?

Journalists chamber will push for more substantive undunternehmerische freedoms, while many employees derstaatlichen hope the media to a continuation.

- How much independence should have the religious institutions inthe new republic, and how much control and financial support is the state requires?

Since the 1952 revolution, the Egyptian state's control of the institutions of religious life eye deteriorating by the day. Derreligiöse education Al-Azhar schools, kindergartens and Universitätist state as well as the large number of mosques. trained preachers and prayer caller, when State and paid, in the past were increasingly constrained for political campaigns (for example, to call for calm before dem25.01.2011).

- How to design the separation of powers of administration?

A new Justice Act, which makes the specific influences derExekutive is just for the Persons, who contributes to the current term constitutional change and the breadth of the alliance remain Unterstützerszeneder judiciary a key concern. Particular attention is paid to derZusammensetzung of the High Judicial Council and the selection procedures for diePräsidenten the Court of Cassation and the Constitutional Court. That the jetzigeJustizminister Mamduh Mar'i longer than can hold up to the end of the transitional period is feasible due to its open to all attacks not Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungender Justice in recent years.

These are exciting times. And more opportunities tobe optimistic, there was not a long time.

Replace Closet Flange Lead

"It was just the beginning ... "

Morocco protests of 20 February 2011

From Swantje Boulouh-Bartschat, MA

not only in the geographical sense, Morocco is also in the days of "the Arab revolution 'is a marginal phenomenon dar. Successful despot expulsion in Tunisia, mass uprisings in Egypt and Algeria - there go Releases about 5 killed, 128 injured and almost as many people arrested in Morocco in this country almost as. But the wave of protest has now reached the westernmost country in the Islamic world - contrary to the view expressed in many places, where it remained quiet and the Moroccan people no need to protest. How much true is this assumption prove not only numerous, particularly on Youtube footage of popular demonstrations in several Moroccan cities.

Mohammed VI.

prevail in the country despite a more liberal line of King Mohammed VI. serious shortcomings of social, political and economic. So already the end of last year were registered in Rabat such as student protests, which drew attention to the prospects of graduates. Last Sunday it finally came after another, each assembly to nationwide demonstrations. Of Oujda on Tangier and Fez to Marrakech and Agadir were demonstrations instead, the total number of participants is estimated at a few hundred to tens of thousands. So vague and uncertain at the same time this information is so varied are the demands of the demonstrators.

"There are a lot of social upheaval in Morocco: A desperate young generation dreams of Europe. The Islamists are growing stronger and would even win elections if they could be for. The ethnic group of the Berbers, Morocco's original inhabitants, feels discriminated against in the Arab-dominated society. In the Morocco-occupied Western Sahara is incubating a conflict that often leads to violent clashes "

social dynamite in Morocco: The." Party king " on the powder keg (sn.at / 02.07.2011)

It is superficial and in contrast to other North African countries not to overthrow a monarch. Rather, the limitation of his powers is required, ie a constitutional monarchy, which already exists on paper - but only there. Other contributors include demands for elimination of corruption and enforce the freedom of the press, which has experienced compared to the reign of Hasan II (1961-1999) in recent years already loosening. But it still lags far behind what one sees in the democratic sense to press freedom. Corresponding difficulties can not therefore be the current reporting estimate from the country.

The coordinators of the national protests on 20 February 2011 are satisfied regardless of the number of participants - " Our demonstration would have been a success, even if one does not mobilize had so many people can -. The mere fact that it has taken place " And this is just the beginning . In fact, the call went to the protest via Facebook this week in the second round. But calls for counter-demonstrations are becoming increasingly common. Already in those days could therefore gather the Moroccan people again. It remains to be seen whether it is as before his seemingly boundless respect for the king compared to subjects and in contrast to the remains after the resignation of the respective monarchs and rulers shouting neighboring countries to call for power limitation. The memories along with it an iron hand 'ruling father Mohammed VI. to eleven years ago have not faded and are aware of according to at least parts of the Moroccan people about the changes by the young, modern king. But the high unemployment especially among young people, widespread corruption and the obvious deep divide between rich and poor, the popularity of "M 6" is (= Mohammed VI.) Be in over the long term.

"The beautiful Appearance of Democratic Change
(qantara.de / 02.22.2011)
interview with the Moroccan blogger Zineb El Rhazoui: it is one of the coordinators of the movement "20 February", the last Sunday about the campaign " I am Moroccan! " has mobilized a number of demonstrators at a march for democracy and social justice in several Moroccan cities. Claus Josten had a talk with her.

A call for removal on 20 February on Youtube:


a balance over 10 years reign of Mohammed VI. "The big misunderstanding? "
(qantara.de / 22.07.2009)
can After ten years of reign of King Mohammed VI. While some look back on political and economic successes. However, Morocco had during his reign, more and more transformed into an absolute monarchy, criticizing human rights activists. A balance of Sonja Hegasy. "Morocco wants a royal democracy"

(FAZ.net / 02.22.2011 / Joseph Hanimann) Get out:

Why are the protests from Morocco to the other! This battle cry of all demonstrations in the Arab world is not heard in Morocco. No one expects there to abdicate the monarch Mohammed VI. Instead, they hope, after democracy, a reform of the monarchy. were

Thailändische Footjobs

Recent Press Review: Arab Revolution / Islam debate

addition to the tragic events in Libya in recent days continue to the general developments in the Arab world's main themes in Western media. And since the recent publication of Patrick Bahners' book The alarmists (Munich: CH Beck Verlag) and the attack by Necla Kelek on the Islam remarks by Federal Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger is the inner German Islam debate new begun.


revolutions in the Arab world

Bertrand Badie: "Companies are taking their revenge in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya"
(The World / 02.23.2011)

The Arab Project for a New Century:
The birth pangs of a New Being Middle East are felt, but not in the Way Many outsiders envisioned
(Aljazeera.net / Mohammed Khan / 02.22.2011)

Machtstrukturen in Libya: Zerrissene Stammesbande
(FAZ.net / Hans Christian-Rößler / 02.22.2011)
Auf den ersten

gleicht Libyan seinen Blick nordafrikanischen Nachbarländern Tunesien, Ägypten und Algerien. Doch in Qaddafi's desert state have received much more than in neighboring countries, traditional structures - and play in times of crisis, an even greater role.

unrest in Bahrain: "We are all Bahrainis - no Sunna, Shia, no!"
(qantara.de / 22/02/2011 / Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf)

In Bahrain sharpened the conflict between the opposition and dominated by the Sunni royal family, government continues to increase. Meanwhile, calls for the overthrow of the monarchy can be heard. informed about the historically-related causes for the uprising of the population Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf.

The Arab Revolts: Ten Tentative Observations
(jadaliyya.com / Mouin Rabbani / 02.21.2011)

Robert Fisk: These are popular secular revolt - yet everyone is blaming religion
(The Independent 02/20/2011 )

Our writer, who was in Cairo as the revolution took hold in Egypt, reports from Bahrain on why Islam has little to do with what is going on.

upheaval in the Arab world: the West will be without his Orient decay
(tagesspiegel.de / Caroline Fetscher / 20.02.2011)

left and right-wing myths about the Arab world for millions of young people where rebel. The new residents upset - the old one was so well acquainted.

Paris, Jerusalem, Algiers: The Middle East is in upheaval and the silence of the intellectuals
(WORLD-Online / 02.19.2011 / Sascha Lehnartz, Michael Brogstede & Boualem Sansal)



Islam debate / criticism of the criticism of Islam

Patrick Bahners "The alarmists': Against the Sarrazin method
(fr-online / 02.23.2011 / Christian Schlüter)

promises the criticism of Islam even if not education, so but after all, excitement and support: This fact is Patrick train in his excellent analysis of "The alarmists" cool head on the ground - and sets in with full-Islamophobes.

Islam debate: That's right cultural relativism
(FAZ.net / Mathias Rohe / 02.22.2011)

secret command Sharia import? The legend of secret reconstruction of the legal system is one of the inventions of the criticism of Islam. The lawyer and Islamic scholar Mathias Rohe answers Necla Kelek.

The man who takes the field against Islam critic
(WORLD-Online / 22.02.2011 / Alan Posener)

criticism of Islam: the desire to reduce
(TIME Online / 02.21.2011 / Thomas & Assheuer Ijoma Mangold)

In his book "alarmist" warns Patrick Bahners before hysterical alarmism. A conversation about the state, society, beliefs and Islam.

critics of Islam: The alarmists
(FAZ.net / 16.02.2011 / Patrick Bahners)

Muslims can make revolutions. This has seen the world. Muslims are not democrats. It persuades us that criticism of Islam.

Natalie Portman Ugg Boots

" Nubian Garden

* The use of black African mercenaries in Libya is an unfortunate, Arabic than 1000 years of tradition Autocrats continued

By Marco Schöller

I

Since Friday, it first few and uncertain, then more and more confirmed news suggesting that the Gaddafi regime in Libya begins mercenaries from sub-Saharan countries on against the Libyan people proceed. Meanwhile, it is undeniable, not least thanks to the photos and videos from Libya that are circulating on the Internet and international TV channels. Several videos show overpowered soldiers, dead or alive.

also the origin of these mercenaries, we now know more, because it seems especially to soldiers from Guinea and Chad, to act may also from Niger and Nigeria, with these documents, for example, a link to confirm Guinea, were found overwhelmed mercenaries. The question of origin was uncertain for several days: At first it was said that they were from Mali, and on the Internet is also reported that "Korean" mercenaries and those involved were from Bangladesh. The latter message could not be confirmed. On Saturday it was reported according to France, the mercenaries were separatists from the Sudan and Chad, which had training camps in Libya and actually meant to fight in Darfur are. At the same time has been reported several times, mercenaries were to fight in Libya first flown. On the recruitment and transportation of the soldiers then were circulating on Monday and yesterday many rumors, the truth of which can not be checked. It was said that the Libyan regime is planning to commandeer civilian aircraft to airlines on Libyan airports to fly in mercenaries, a messenger is to Gaddafi in Cairo have (for free) sought to "buy" air space for this purpose. to circulate leaflets which have a daily pay of $ 2000 or more promising, if men reported a fight in Libya - was finally alleged that in several sub-Saharan African countries - Nigeria and Guinea were explicit. All these reports are not confirmed. to show

videos, the black African mercenaries

But probably the "mercenaries" and long in the country: Christoph Ehrhardt and Thomas Gutschker point in the FAZ ( Loyal to the tribe, not the regime / 02.23.2011) suggested that it might be, for the mercenary to the remains of the "Islamic Legion" Gaddafi:

1972 Gaddafi also presented on an Islamic Legion, with his dream of a large Islamic state was achieved in the Sahel. You consisted of mercenaries, the Gaddafi in Sudan, Mali, Chad, Tunisia and Egypt recruited. ... The legionnaires were mainly used in Chad, where she met the Aouzou strip in the occupied north. After being expelled from there in 1987, Gaddafi should have dissolved the Legion. Certainly it's not do that. The Research Institute CSIS in Washington speculates in a study published in July 2010 that the Legion would continue to exist with 2,500 men. ... Perhaps these are the "African mercenaries," which currently is always the question.

For more news, rumors, hypotheses, see here:

Gaddafi bloodhounds from Africa  
(Die Presse / 22.02.2011)
Is Zimbabwe Sending Commandos to Kill Libyan Protesters?
(The Atlantic Wire / Elspeth Reeve / 23.02.2011)
A History of Middle East Mercenaries
(TIME / Ishaan Tharoor / 23.02.2011)
How Much Does It Cost To Hire an African Mercenary? Maybe a thousand bucks, but don't forget the king's shilling
(slate.com / Stayton Bonner / 23.02.2011)
Der Terror der schwarzafrikanischen Söldner-Truppe
(kurier.at / 23.02.2011)

(Addendum 02/03/2011: more information, see the end of the article )

It is, however, as I said, sure that black African mercenaries in Libya were in use and still are. Obviously trust the Gaddafi regime of their own army, not because they feared that soldiers would not fire at Libyan compatriots. In fact, so simple yet high-ranking soldiers and officers deserted. Today circulated videos, show the bodies of captive soldiers who were apparently executed. According to Aljazeera, it should be of a Libyan soldiers who were killed when they refused to carry out orders. And the last two days there have been increasing (now also by television images confirmed) reports that are whole units of the Libyan army and its leaders in different places at the rebel overflowed. Not your own "popular army" to trust is, therefore, from the perspective of the Gaddafi regime, obvious - and is in a centuries-old tradition of Arab autocrats, who fear the power and the proximity of their subordinates.

II

yourself mercenaries is to be served is not a new phenomenon in the political history of the Arab world. Already, the Abbasid Caliph sat in the 9th Century AD on Turkish troops, and the Turks should be the next Centuries the fortunes of much of the Arab world to determine. And while most were quickly made himself ruler of the mercenaries, known as such in the 250-year rule of the Mamluks in Egypt (1250-1517). But especially in North Africa had been playing since 9 century black African mercenaries would a major role, which I illustrate below with some examples.

to a better understanding of the historical context I must premise that the term "mercenary" is usually not in regard to conditions in the Arab world until the 19th Century is used, although the phenomenon as well could be "mercenaries" call, because it is such a principle: struggle experienced men, who are recruited from out of town for payment or (in earlier times) and forcibly recruited to perform specific tasks - usually to protect or defend a ruler. (Because even the forced conscription pay was paid, the term "mercenaries" even with conscription is not inappropriate.) In the case of North Africa, there were men from the sub-Saharan zone, which - speaking in modern state borders - from Mauritania and Senegal through Mali, northern Nigeria, Niger and Chad extends into the Sudan. Until the 19th Century was this wide strip of land just as "Sudan" is known, not least because as-Sudan Arabic for "the blacks" means.

The Warriors, which are recruited from this region to North Africa had, usually slave status, and this is one of the main reasons why they are in today's history is not usually referred to as "mercenaries", but rather as a "slave soldiers". But "slaves" in the literal sense, they were primarily to their status before the law, in many ways but not de facto : You had the right to property, lived with families who lived together in their own villages or barracks and also received a salary . Both the standard of living and distinguished from the living conditions they are not from the majority of the population. That they had a limited legal protection, was also theoretically particularly important, as well as the "free", which were in principle better legal footing, were often not able to gain this relief also. On the contrary, it was the slave-soldiers because of their real power is often more likely to gain in spite of its theoretical slave state law, which other, even if free people could not, even though they state. In principle, it was therefore in almost all practical matters to a professional army, which no ethnic or emotional, and often no linguistic ties with the region had, in which they were used: classical just mercenaries. And they were due to the lack of loyalty to their surroundings, as expected reliable as long as it was not so far that they become a "state within a state" and thus were a threat.

III

The first black African mercenaries, of which we hear in the Arab history of North Africa were the start of the 9th Century. of the dynasty of the Aghlabids in Ifriqiya (the area of present-day Tunisia) recruited. Even the governor of the caliphs, who ruled from 800 in Ifrîqiyah had brought foreign troops into the country, however, no mercenaries, but Arabs from the north-east of the Caliphate, namely, from Khurasan (present-day northeastern Iran). They came in large numbers with the Abbasid governors to North Africa, since these were even ordered from Khurasan there. It represented nothing more than ethnic Arabs, although they are from out of town which met who were already in Ifriqiya, and they were used not only to secure the Abbasid rule, but also the colonization of the new province.

The Aghlabids but who did whatever to 799/800 in Ifrîqiyah de facto (and recognized only on paper, the suzerainty of the Abbasid Caliph), began to set up a fighting force of 'blacks'. These mercenaries was confined to barracks in Kairouan (Arabic Qairawân) in the immediate vicinity of the new palace of the Aghlabids and should ensure there personal protection Aghlabids-ruler. The black troops, unlike the Arabs who came from Khurasan in front of them, officially slave status, in the sense described above. The black soldiers served the Aghlabids less as a fighting force, but rather as a bodyguard. They were even present when the ruler summoning scholars or judges, which is reported several times in the sources. The personal loyalty to the person of the ruler was of the utmost importance and thus the real raison d'être this Guard. Nor the Governor of the Abbasid caliphs had tried to build a bodyguard of Berbers, but as these were from the region, they proved to be unreliable ... and although they claim the name of each governor's got a tattoo to be protected on the arm, they brought more than one of its wards were killed. maintain

The tradition, a body guard of black 'slave soldiers, "we find in the history of North Africa, and partly in other regions of the Arab world over the centuries several times. The image of the black "bodyguard" or the "black guard", the fluid passes into the topos of the "black harem guard" finally found its way into the canon of images of European Orientalism, so that it is in the (kitschy) orientalist paintings of the late 19th Century. repeatedly refers. The following are two typical figures, each titled "Nubian Guard" - left a painting by Rudolf Weiss, German right, Louis (1855-1935):

IV

The most famous case in which a North African ruler of a standing army - and not just a bodyguard - has operated from black African soldiers, is known from the history of Morocco. Even before the start of the 18th Century. began Moulay Ismail (ruled 1672-1727), the first great ruler of the still existing "Alawi" or "Sheriff" Dynasty, large-scale build up an army of black African slaves, soldiers, which was then simply called 'Abid - Arab. "Slaves." As early as 1700, there were 'Abid barracks in almost all cities and regions of Morocco. At that time, the Moroccan Sultan controlled large areas of West Africa down to present-day Senegal and Mali. The motivation of the Sultan to add itself such an army, was the same one that was already in previous centuries and today and for the Gaddafi regime are still valid: He wanted to have a force by the local solidarities and commitments free and therefore would be more loyal. In the specific case of Morocco Moulay Ismail hoped in this way, the conflict between Arabs and Berbers - spoiled the sultan and it is the one when he got involved with the other, and vice versa! - Not to go out of the way by building up a force that neither the Arabs nor the Berbers had to bonds, but had yielded to him and his dynasty.

The Sunni scholar in Fez were the way, as far as the legality of the slave army, certainly not of one mind, and the discussions that were led at that time regarding this issue on the status of slaves and slave soldiers belong to the present the most interesting documents relating to intra-Muslim dispute over the legality and the legal scope of slavery. And, although it is the "slave soldiers" yes to more theoretical slaves acted, this is no "slave life led in ancient or otherwise up today generally accepted sense. Although they were forcibly recruited at a young age, making her the overall fate of the "imported" Circassians from the Caucasus under the Mamluks in Egypt or in which the Janissaries in the Ottoman Empire was similar. They were thus forced into the military profession. But later, after training, they could - in the framework and under the conditions of their soldier's environment - more or less free to act, possibly even high-rise and reach a considerable influence. Some of the black officers managed it until the entourage of the Sultan ... and some of their daughters in the family of the ruler. The Sultan himself was from the doubts of legal scholars remaining unchallenged and his black mercenary loyalty was to the book by al-Bukhaari swear - the most prestigious and most important collection of traditions of the Prophet and one of the most important books of the Islamic religion.

After the death of Moulay Ismail, and during the subsequent disputes over the succession but was soon discovered that this black army hurt the Sultanate of more than availed. Not least, because after the first generation not the new soldiers from sub-Saharan areas got, but among the descendants of the blacks in Morocco itself recruited ... in this way, they not only build a certain "power house" on, but also developed an internal solidarity. Both were now, after the death of the sultan, which these forces alone felt obliged to risk: the black army plundered and pillaged, the general anarchy took advantage and got into bloody conflict with Arabs and Berber tribes. The Arabs and Berbers in turn looked after the death of the sultan that the time to settle with the black troops of the former ruler. The civil war-like conditions that are triggered by subject, place over several decades and can be considered as one of the darkest periods of Moroccan history.

Sidi Muhammad III first. (Reigned 1757-1790) succeeded in bringing peace to Morocco again and regain control over the army of 'Abid, a majority of black troops was disbanded in the 1780s at all. But the Moroccan ruler had continued until the 20th C. both a few "regular" troops, which consisted of black Africans, black and a bodyguard. A recording of a rode round the Sultan Yusuf I (1912-1927), which was made after the invasion of the French in Morocco, this shows Garde:

* Author's note dated 02/03/2011:

Thank me for the comment by Anonymous from 01.03., that can handle racist connotations of the term indicates "black African". Such connotative intentions are, of course me away. In this paper, the term was more in the geographical, not used in the ethnic sense, that "black African" as opposed to "North African", therefore, approximately in the sense of "sub-Saharan". However, like I also note that the term "black African" not alone "Euro-centric" nor is the product of European colonialism. The division of Africa into a "black" and a "non-black" part is centuries old and is already done in the pre-modern Arab culture, the "black" (= sub-Saharan) of Africa summarily as described (Bilâd as-Sudan) " yes just what "(Region) of the black" means. Fanon, the kritisert this ethnic "regionalization" sees only the European perspective, and therefore only the negative connotations. In the Arab culture in which nevertheless circulated prejudices against blacks, there are altogether But do not say that the designation of a part of Africa as "(region) of the Blacks" was always meant pejoratively. It was as important Islamic cultural regions, which were marked on the Islamic religion and learning Arabic, in this very "black" Africa (Timbuktu, Sokoto, etc.), so that the Arab use of the term can not generally assume that "Black Africa" an uncultured, uncivilized region said. On the other hand, there was extensive, run by Arab slave trade, in its environment, then find all the negative opinions about blacks that are known in the colonial discourses of Europe.

I admit that we also Orientalists because of our preoccupation with the Arab world by the spring is easy to speak of "Black Africa" - if only because it is a convenient demarcation of North Africa (Maghreb =) allows. The usual sources in the Arab use of "as-Sudan" seduced to accept this use of the term. But I am aware that in European discourse, the term can not be used without regard to the colonial discourse. Of course I'm still looking for a term that can refer to the part of Africa beneath North Africa (Maghreb) in summary form. So far mW only "sub-Saharan" in common use.

Moreover, the contribution do not give the impression that "black Africans" is especially good as mercenary soldiers or slaves, for example because we blacks - have to keep as uncivilized or brutal - the negative connotations of "black African" below. were mercenary soldiers and slaves in the Islamic world everywhere: in the east mainly Tatars and Circassians from the Caucasus, Central Asia and Turkey - in the Ottoman Empire - Slavic ethnic groups from the Balkans. were in al-Andalus in the 12th Century northern Europeans (Normans, Slavs) as a mercenary act. Especially in the North African region in this case the connections to the sub-Saharan Africa have been relevant.

Yesterday (01.03) is to http://www.jadaliyya.com/ an article on this very topic appeared: The Arabs in Africa of Callie Maidment. The

any existing racial connotations of the term "black African" are not discussed explicitly, but it's about the relationship of the Arabs to sub-Saharan Africans. The article states, inter alia:

One point further distinguisher Qaddafi's mercenaries from both the revolutionaries and Mubarak's thugs ". African" that they are continuously referred to as This should be an empty signifier, like saying that European mercenaries were hired to crush a revolt in Spain, after all, Libya is an African country and Libyans are Africans. But those of us who are watching the news know what is “meant” by this, and some reporters have been quick to correct themselves with either “black Africans” or, less frequently, “sub-Saharan Africans.” Although just one aspect of the current situation in Libya, I suggest that it should give us pause to consider the stakes of this conceptualization of a basic Arab-African or Arab-black antagonism—one that not only formulates these as mutually exclusive categories but also pins them against one another in the context of the Libyan revolution.

In light of this recent history, the videos and photographs of “Africanmercenaries” raise disturbing questions. Are the men we see picturedhere perpetrators of state-sponsored violence, are they victims ofracism, or is it possible that both of these things may be true at thesame time? Are they being attacked in retaliation or in the course of abattle, or are they taken for mercenaries simply on the basis of theirskin color? Is this just one more instance of non-citizens fallingvictim to a conflict that is not their own? Whether or not Qaddafi has recruited foreign mercenaries, it is clearthat none of us ... are getting the full story. However,the speed with which this charge has been accepted as true should callinto question our own assumptions about relations between Arab andblack Africans.

 The story in Libya Diverge Considerably from that of Sudan, with black Africans and Arabs playing very different kinds of roles. Nonetheless, there is a recurring theme of the antagonism between (black) Africans and Arabs, one that reflects on inability of popular or even scholarly analysis Arabs to assimilate to the African continent.

find it interesting to me that the author points out that in the case of the State of Sudan (which indeed goes to meet a two-state future) the connotations of the terms "Arab" and "Black / Black Africans" means that contrary to that by now appear in the case of Libya. In the case of Sudan, so the Arabs appear to be brutal, aggressive, etc., not the blacks. I am now but with the Coverage of the Sudan is not so familiar that I could say to what extent there the term "black African" is used, or even customary.

Addendum 03/02/2011

Interesting information about the details still unexplained use of mercenaries in Libya: Libya's

Alleged Foreign Mercenaries: Gaddafi More Victims? (TIME / ABIGAIL HOUSE LOHNER / SHEHAT / 02.24.2011)
original article: Libya's Among Prisoners: interviews with Mercenaries (TIME / 02.23.2011)